Managing with Web 2.0 Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Making do with Web 2.0 - Research Paper Example (Girrell, 2010) The utilization of Web 2.0 instruments and applications can help organizations and associations in information the executives, work coordination and dynamic. Web 2.0 devices assist organizations with overseeing information, arrange work and upgrade dynamic in various manners. Sites, wikis and interpersonal interaction help organizations and their workers impart and support profitability. All things considered, websites can give data to clients in a less conventional manner yet feasible structure and award perusers the chances to react to the essayist, ask, questions, remark, and so forth. This communication connects the corporate clients and the perusers/clients or likely clients and assembles connections. (Johnston, 2010) Since Web 2.0 apparatuses are easy to use, correspondence and information creation are simple. For example, for the workforce, wikis fill in as a â€Å"blackboard† a space wherein corporate laborers and an inexorably versatile workforce can speak with one another, formalize ventures and the segments thereof, record advance and do as such in a less exorbitant way. All things considered, wikis, as most Web 2.0 devices contain costs. This is particularly obvious since Web 2.0 instruments don't require IT division execution. (Johnston, 2010) Online journals, wikis and long range informal communication instruments take care of the issue of individual messages, IMs and the making of various messages passing on data, bringing up issues or reporting progress. Web 2.0 takes care of the issues of association over an enormous organization or division and gives the clients adaptability. It offers the supervisor or maker the chance to post the data and different laborers or clients with 24 hour seeing from anyplace they can sign into such stages. Thus, all gatherings have a feeling of self-sufficiency and connectedness in spite of virtual network. Accordingly organizations could profit by utilizing Web 2.0 instruments

Persuasive Paper Essay

Bathroom tissue is a material thing that a great many people use. This paper bigly affects our general public. Relatively few individuals focus on how they put their paper on they simply kind of toss everything together surprisingly fast. One day I saw that my paper was more diligently to get than typical, at that point I saw that the start of the paper was swinging from the rear of the move as opposed to laying on it or hanging over the front. This frightened me, I didn't understand up to that point that you can put your bathroom tissue either the front or the back. I said to myself â€Å"This can not be, my paper is all off-base it ought not be like this! (I made gestures).† So I have come to conclude that having your tissue is better in the front of the move contrasted with the back. At the point when a great many people go to plunk down on their can they anticipate that their paper should be there. Well imagine a scenario where your paper was there and a decent full sum was available however when you go to go after it, it appears to be somewhat farther away, well this is on the grounds that your paper may have been set wrong. Gives consider this access a traditionalist way. On the off chance that you have a little kid, at that point you will recognize what I mean, Little children like to play with bathroom tissue, some even prefer to eat it! Well on the off chance that you have your paper in the front it will make it harder for the kid to pull a greater amount of the move from its unique state, rather than if you had your paper in the back, the child could pull it so hard, huge amounts of it will move due to the descending movement, and this may make the pull be to ground-breaking and may tear the bathroom tissue, Then you would not have the option to roll the paper back to its unique moving position. Having the paper in the front is likewise advantageous for simpler bathroom tissue rolling. On the off chance that the paper was in the back, you need to reach under or around the move to get your paper, and afterward pull it in a descending movement, If you pull it straight towards you, it is obligated to break! I have made an inquiry or two to discover in the event that anybody prefers there paper in the back position, I discovered a few people do! I asked those individuals for what good reason on earth they could like the paper in the back. They stated: † Because on the off chance that you pull it from the back, you can have a quicker speed of moving paper† I answered, â€Å"But a great deal ofâ the time the paper breaks and afterward you have bits and pieces† he stated, † Bits and pieces are not in every case terrible. You can simply add them to your bunch of tissue that you’re going to use.† I just shook my head pleasantly and contemplated internally of a familiar adage an elderly person said to me once: † It’s quality not quantity.† Taking everything into account, I have chosen in the wake of hearing the two sides that having you paper in front is for sure better than in the back. So whenever you are putting your move of bathroom tissue on, you simply recollect that on the off chance that you have a child, consider your tissue situation. Consider your arm and hand vitality when you go to snatch a couple of sheets. Consider the nature of your bunch and not the amount!

Image ethics, Image editing Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Picture morals, Image altering - Research Paper Example The duplicity ordinarily happens in view of the expanded reverence and want for people to have pictures of famous people. Individual pictures of big names may be hard to get to, yet the altering innovation can be used to increase a picture of a much loved superstar. While this innovation remains generally used among numerous media, moral inquiries keep on emerging with respect to the utilization of the innovation. Notwithstanding the various winning moral issues encompassing use of the innovation, laws looking to forestall the use of the innovation keep on getting ceaselessly quieted. This keeps on being contributed by the various focal points of the innovation upon the business. A correlation between the commitments of the innovation upon photography and the current pessimism of the innovation demonstrates the innovation probably won't be wiped out. Presentation Image altering stays an innovation that has been applied since the presentation of photography itself. ... This movement has become a side interest occupation for some people as it keeps on picking up notoriety in the cutting edge world. Truth be told, the training, however unaccepted by the makers of Photoshop programming, has nearly gotten acknowledged as an advanced type of visual craftsmanship. Significance of picture altering Image altering is performed for various reasons, which remain on a very basic level concentrated on improving fulfillment to the proprietors of the picture. Inside the print media, altering of pictures is normally proceeded as a strategy for development of picture quality (Anders and Benson, 117). Some photographs taken by writers are taken inside very troublesome conditions and may be mutilated. The need to introduce clear pictures requires usage of altering to improve the quality. Through altering, obscured pictures can be explained to give them positive blueprints, thusly improving picture lucidity (Lister, 75). The altering innovation stays key in making f undamental changes of pictures to computerized structures. This change has empowered fast and simple moving of pictures between various areas, while holding unique picture perspectives and appearance. The advanced period keeps on bringing various parts of current symbolism through the use of innovative techniques underway of pictures. The utilization of picture altering innovation stays fundamental in guaranteeing simple obtaining of pictures as required. The innovation has given the press a brisk and quick technique for moving pictures from various areas (Anders and Benson, 145). Through picture altering production, costs become incredibly diminished, while making distribution snappy. This has persistently empowered bigger and fast course of intermittent productions particularly papers. The nearness of altering programming has

What New World Order - Free Essay Example

Joseph S. Nye^ Jr. WHAT NEW WORLD ORDER? he 1991 Persian Gulf War was, according to President Bush, about more than one small country; it is a big idea; a ^ h new world order, with new ways of working with other nations . . . peaceful settlement of disputes, solidarity against aggression, reduced and controlled arsenals and just treatment of all peoples. Not long after the war, however, the flow of White House words about a new world order slowed to a trickle. Like Woodrow Wilsons fourteen points or Franklin Roosevelts four freedoms, George Bushs grand rhetoric expressed the larger goals important for public support when a liberal democratic state goes to war. But after the war, when reality intruded, grand schemes turned into a liability. People were led to compare the wars imperfect outcome with an impossible ideal. The proper standard for judgment should have been what the world would look like if Saddam Hussein had been left in possession of Kuwait. The victory los t its lustre because of an unfair comparison that the president inadvertently encouraged, and recession shifted the political agenda to the domestic economy. The White House thus decided to lower the rhetorical volume. U The administration faces a deeper problem than mere political tactics. The world has changed more rapidly in the past two years than at any time since 1945. It is difficult to keep ones conceptual footing within such fundamental shifts in politics. Familiar concepts fail to fit a new reality. It is worth recalling that it took Americans several years to adjust to the last great shift in the late 1940s. But the Bush administration, famous for eschewing the vision thing, added to the confusion because it had never really thought through what it meant by the concept it launched. Neither the administration nor its Joseph S. Nye, Jr. , is Director of the Harvard Center for International Aiiairs and author of Bound To Lead: The Changing Nature oj American Power. T 84 F OREIGN AFFAIRS critics were clear about the fact that the term world order is used in two very different ways in discussions of world politics. Realists, in the tradition of Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, see international politics occurring among sovereign states balancing each others power. World order is the product of a stable distribution of power among the major states. Liberals, in the tradition of Woodrow Wilson and Jimmy Carter, look at relations among peoples as well as states. They see order arising from broad values like democracy and human rights, as well as from international law and institutions such as the United Nations. The problem for the Bush administration was that it thought and acted like Nixon, but borrowed the rhetoric of Wilson and Carter. Both aspects of order are relevant to the current world situation, but the administration has not sorted out the relation between them. From the realist perspective there is definitely a new world order, but it did not begin with the Gulf War. Since order has little to do with justice, but a lot to do with the distribution of power among states, realists date the new world order from the collapse of the Soviet empire in eastern Europe in the autumn of 1989. The rapid decline of the Soviet Union caused the end of the old bipolar order that had persisted for nearly half a century. The old world order provided a stability of sorts. The Cold War exacerbated a number of Third World conflicts, but economic conflicts among the United States, Europe and Japan were dampened by common concerns about the Soviet military threat. Bitter ethnic divisions were kept under a tight lid by the Soviet presence in eastern Europe. A number of Third World conflicts were averted or shortened when the superpowers feared that their clients might drag them too close to the nuclear abyss. The various Arab-Israeli wars, for example, were brief. In fact some experts believe that a stronger Soviet Union would never h ave allowed its Iraqi client to invade Kuwait. If so Kuwait can be counted as the victim rather than the cause of the new world order. Some analysts see the collapse of the Cold War as the victory of liberal capitalism and the end of the large ideological cleavages that drove the great international conflicts of this century. There is no single competitor to liberal capitahsm as an overarching ideology. Rather than the end of history, the post-Cold War world is witnessing a return of history in the WHAT NEW WORLD ORDER? 85 diversity of sources of international conflict. Liberal capitalism has many competitors, albeit fragmented ones. Examples include the indigenous neo-Maoism of Perus Shining Path guerrilla movement, the many variants of Islamic fundamentahsm and the rise of ethnic nationalism. 7his does not mean that the new world politics will be back to the future. There is an enormous difference between the democratically tamed and institutionally harnessed nationalisms o f western Europe and the revival in eastern Europe of untamed nationalisms whose ancient animosities were never resolved in the institutional structure of state communism and the Soviet empire. Moreover national boundaries will be more permeable than in the past. Nationalism and transnationalism will be contending forces in the new world politics. Large transnational corporations distribute economic production according to global strategies. 7 ransnational technological changes in communications and transportation are making the world smaller. Diplomacy occurs in real time; both George Bush and Saddam Hussein watched Cable News Network for the latest reports. Human rights violations and mass suffering in distant parts of the globe are brought home by television. Although Marshall McLuhan argued that modern communicaEions would produce a global village, his metaphor was misleading because a global political identity remains feeble. In fact nationalism is becoming stronger in mo st of the world, not weaker. Instead of one global village there are villages around the globe more aware of each otber. That, in turn, increases the opportunities for conflict. Not all transnational forces are benign any more than all nationalisms are malign, f ransnational drug trade, terrorism, the spread of AIDS and global warming are cases in point. With time, technology spreads across borders, and the technologies of weapons of mass destruction are now more than a half century old. The collapse of the Soviet Union removes two of the factors that slowed the spread of nuclear weapons in the old world order: tight Soviet technological controls and influence over its client states. The United States cannot escape from these transnational problems, and few of them are susceptible to unilateral solutions. Like other countries in the See John Mearsheinier, Baek tu the Future: Instability in Europe . After the Cnld War. Intemalional Senirily, Summer 1990. 86 FOREIGN AFFAIRS new world order, the United States will be caught in the dialogue between the national and the transnational. in The United States will need power to influence others in regard to both transnational and traditional concerns. If the old world order has collapsed, what will be the new distribution of power? Over the past few years of dramatic change, different observers have claimed to discern five alternatives. Return to bipolarily. Before the failure of the August coup and the final collapse of the Soviet Union, some argued that a newly repressive Soviet or Russian regime would create a harsh international climate and a return to the Cold War. But even if the coup had succeeded, it would not have restored bipolarity. The decline of the Soviet Union stemtned in large part from overcentralization. Stalins system was unable to cope with the Third Industrial Revolution, in which flexible use of information is the key to successful economic growth. The return of the centralizers tnigh t have created a nasty international climate, but rather than restoring Soviet strength, recentralization would have continued the long-term decline of the Soviet economy. The same would be true for a centralizing Russian dictatorship. MulttpolarUy. This is a popular cliche that drips easily from the pens of editorialists, but if used to imply an historical analogy with the nineteenth century it is highly misleading, for the old order rested on a balance of five roughly equal great powers while todays great powers are far from equally balanced. Russia will continue to suffer from economic weakness, and its reform is a question of decades, not years. China is a developing country and, despite favorable growth, will remain so well into the next century. Europe is the equal of the United States in population, economy atid human resources. Even after the December 1991 summit at Maastricht, however, Europe lacks the political unity necessary to act as a single global power. Japan is w ell endowed with economic and technological strength, but its portfolio of power resources is limited in the hard military area as well as in the cultural and ideological appeal that provides soft power. Japan would have to make major changes in its attitudes toward military power as well as / WHA r NEW WORLD ORDER? 87 in its ethnocentricity before it would be a challenger on the scale of the United States. Three economic blocs. Those who devalue military power argue that Europe and Japan will be superpowers in a world of restrictive economic blocs. An Asian bloc will form around the yen, a western hemisphere bloc around the dollar and a European bloc (including remnants of the former Soviet Union) will cluster around the European Currency Unit (according to optimists) or the deutsche mark (in the view of pessimists). Others foresee a European versus a Pacific bloc. ^ There are three problems with this vision. First, it runs counter to the thrust of global technological trends . While regional trade will certainly grow, many firms would not want to be limited to one-third of the global market and would resist restrictive regionalism. Second, restrictive regional blocs run against nationalistic concerns of some of the lesser states that need a global system to protect themselves against domination by their large neighbors. Japans Asian neighbors do not want to be locked up in a yen bloc with Japan. There will continue to be a constituency for a broader international trade system. Most important, however, this vision is too dismissive of security concerns. With large nuclear neighbors in turmoil, both Europe and Japan want to keep their American insurance policies against uncertainty. The second Russian revolution is still in its early years, and China faces a generational transition. It is difficult to imagine the United States continuing its security guarantees in the context of trade wars. The end of the Cold War was not marked by European and Japa nese calls for withdrawal of American troops. European and Japanese security concerns are likely to set limits on how restrictive the economic blocs become. Unipolar hegemony. According to Charles Krauthammer, the Gulf War marked the beginning of a Pax Americana in which the world will acquiesce in a benign American hegemony. ^ The premise is correct that the collapse of the Soviet Union left the world with only one superpower, but the hegemonic conclusion does not follow. Eor one thing the world economy is tripolar and has been since the 1970s. Europe, Japan and the -Jacques Attali, Lignes dHorizon. Paris: Foyard, 1990. †¢Charles Krauthammer, Fhe Unipolar Moment, in Rilhitikiii}; . imciiani . SVriovVi; Bf^oiid Cold War lo Nnv World Order, Graham I. Allison and Ciregory F. i reverton, eds.. New York: Norton, 1992. 88 FOREIGN AFFAIRS United States account for two-thirds of the worlds product. In economics, at least, the United States cannot exercise hegemony. Hegemony is also unlikely because of the diffusion of power through transnational interdependence. To cite a few examples: private actors in global capital markets constrain the way interest rates can be used to manage the American economy; the transnational spread of technology increases the destructive capacities of otherwise poor and weak states; and a number of issues on the international agenda—drug trade, AIDS, migration, global warming—have deep societal roots in more than one country and flow across borders largely outside of governmental control. Since military means are not very effective in coping with such problems, no great power, the United States included, will be able to solve them alone. Multilevel interdependence. No single hierarchy describes adequately a world politics with multiple structures. The distribution of power in world politics has become like a layer cake. I he top military layer is largely unipolar, for there is no other military power comparable to the United States. The economic middle layer is tripolar and has been for two decades. The bottom layer of transnational interdependence shows a diffusion of power. None of this complexity would matter if military power were as fungible as money and could determine the outcomes in all areas. In describing Europe before 1914, the British historian A. J. P. Taylor wrote that the test of a great power was the ability to prevail in war. But military prowess is a poor predictor of the outcomes in the economic and transnational layers of current world politics. The United States is better placed with a more diversified portfolio of power resources than any other country, but the new world order will not be an era of American hegemony. We must be wary of the prison of old concepts. The world order after the Cold War is sui generis, and we overly constrain our understanding by trying to force it into the rocrustean bed of traditional metaphors with their mechanical polarities. Power i s becoming more multidimensional, structures more complex and states themselves more permeable. This added complexity means that world order must rest on more than the traditional military balance of power alone. The problems encountered by the Bush administration at the end of the Gulf War are illustrative. The traditional approach WHAT NEW WORLD ORDER? 89 of balancing Iran and Iraq was clearly not enough, and U. N. resolutions 687 and 688 (which dealt with Iraqs weapons and refugees) went deep into areas of national sovereignty. The realist view of world order, resting on a balance of military power, is necessary but not sufficient, because it does not take into account the long-term societal changes that have been slowly moving the world away from the Westphalian system. In 1648, after thirty years of tearing each other apart over religion, the European states agreed in the Treaty of Westphalia that the ruler, in effect, would determine the religion of a state regardless of po pular preference. Order was based on the sovereignty of states, not the sovereignty of peoples. The mechanical balance of states was slowly eroded over the ensuing centuries by the growth of nationalism and democratic participation, but the norms of state sovereignty persist. Now the rapid growth in transnational communications, migration and economic interdependence is accelerating the erosion of that classical conception and increasing tbe gap between norm and reality. IV This evolution makes more relevant the liberal conception of a world society of peoples as well as states, and of order resting on values and institutions as well as military power. Liberal views that were once regarded as hopelessly Utopian, such as Immanuel Kants plea for a peaceful league of democracies, seem less far-fetched now that political scientists report virtually no cases of democracies going to war with eacb other. Current debates over the effects of German reunification, for example, pit again st each other realists who see western Europe going back to the troubled balance of power, and liberals who fault such analysis for neglecting the fact that unlike 1870, 1914 or 1939, the new Germany is democratic and deeply enmeshed with its western neighbors through the institutions of the European Community. Moreover the interactions between democratic politics and international institutions reinforce each other. Of course the game is still open in post-Gold War Europe, and Europe is very different from other parts of the world such as the Middle East, where traditional views of the balance of military power are still the core of wisdom. But the experience of Europe (and the democratic market economies 90 FOREIGN AFFAIRS more generally) suggests that in at least parts of this hybrid world, conceptions of divisible and transferable sovereignty may play an increasing part in a new world order. The complex practices of the European Community are a case in point. These liberal conceptions of order are not entirely new. The Cold War order had norms and institutions, but they played a limited role. During World War II Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill agreed to a United Nations that assumed a multipolar distribution of power. The U. N. Security Council would enforce the doctrine of collective security and nonaggression against smaller states while the five great powers were protected by their vetos. Even this abbreviated version of Woodrow Wilsons institutional approach to order was hobbled, however, by the rise of bipolarity. The superpowers vetoed each others initiatives, and the organization was reduced to the more modest role of stationing peacekeepers to observe ceasefires rather than repelling aggressors. The one exception, the U. N. role in the Korean War, proved the rule; it was made possible only by a temporary Soviet boycott of the Security Council in June 1950. When the decline of Soviet power led to Moscows new policy of cooperation with Washin gton in applying the U. N. doctrine of collective security against Baghdad, it was less the arrival of a new world order than the reappearance of an aspect of the liberal institutional order that was supposed to have come into effect in 1945. But just as the Gulf War resurrected one aspect of the liberal approach to world order, it also exposed an important weakness in the liberal conception. The doctrine of collective security enshrined in the U. N. Charter is state-centric, applicable when borders are crossed but not when force is used against peoples within a state. Liberals try to escape this problem by appealing to the principles of democracy and self-determination. Let peoples within states vote on whether they want to be protected behind borders of their own. But self-determination is not as simple as it sounds. Who decides what self will determine? Take Ireland, for example. If Irish people voted within the existing political boundaries, Ulster would have a Protestant majority, but if the Irish voted within the geographical boundaries of the island, Ulster would be encompassed within a Catholic majority. WHAf NEW WORLD ORDER? 91 Whoever has the power to determine the boundaries of the vote has the power to determine the outcome. A similar problem plagues Yugoslavia. It seemed clear that relatively homogeneous Slovenia should be allowed to vote on self-determination, but a similar vote in Croatia turns Serbs in some districts into a minority who then demand a vote on secession from an independent Croatia. It is not surprising that issues of secession are more often determined by bullets than ballots. Nor are these rare examples. Less than ten percent of the 170 states in todays world are ethnically homogeneous. Only half have one ethnic group that accounts for as much as 75 percent of their population. Most of the republics of the former Soviet Union have significant minorities and many have disputed borders. Africa is a continent of a thous and ethnic and linguistic peoples squeezed within and across some forty-odd states. Once such states are called into question, it is difficult to see where the process ends. In such a world, federalism, local autonomy and international surveillance of minority rights hold some promise, but a policy of unqualified support for national self-determination would turn into a principle of enormous world disorder. V How then is it possible to preserve some order in traditional terms of the balance of power among sovereign states, while also moving toward international institutions that promote justice among peoples? International institutions are gradually evolving in just such a ost-Westphalian direction. Already in 1945, articles 55 and 56 of the U. N. Charter pledged states to collective responsibility for observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Even before the recent Security Council resolutions authorizing postwar interventions in Iraq, U. N. recommendations of sancti ons against apartheid in South Africa set a precedent for not being strictly limited by the charters statements about sovereignty. In Europe the 1975 Helsinki Accords codified human rights. Violations can be referred to the European Conference on Security and Cooperation or the Council of Europe. International law is gradually evolving. In 1965 the American Law Institute defined international law as rules and principles . . . dealing with the conduct of states and international organizations. More recently the institutes law- 92 FOREIGN AFFAIRS yers added the revealing words, as well as some of their relations with persons. Individual and minority rights are increasingly treated as more than just national concerns. Of course in many, perhaps most, parts of the world sucb principles are flouted and violations go unpunished. To mount an armed multilateral intervention to right all such wrongs would be another source of enormous disorder. But we should not think of intervention solely in military terms. Intervention is a matter of degree, with actions ranging from statements and limited economic measures at the low end of the spectrum to full-fledged invasions at the high end. The U. N. Security Coimcil and regional organizations may decide on limited nonmilitary interventions. Multilateral infringements of sovereignty will gradually increase without suddenly disrupting the distribution of power among states. On a larger scale the Security Council can act under chapter seven of the U. N. Charter if it determines that internal violence or development of weapons of mass destruction are likely to spill over into a more general threat to the peace in a region. Such definitions are somewhat elastic—witness the imposition of sanctions against Rhodesia in the 1960s. The reasons for multilateral intervention will gradually expand over time. Although Iraq was a special case because of its blatant aggression. Security Council resolutions 687 and 688 ma y create a precedent for other situations where mistreatment of minorities threatens relations with neighbors or where a country is developing weapons of mass destruction in violation of its obligations under the Nonproliferation Treaty. In other instances groups of states may act on a regional basis to deal with internal fighting, as Nigeria and others did by sending troops to Liberia under the framew^ork of the Economic Community of West African States. In Yugoslavia the European Community employed the threat of economic sanctions as well as observer missions in an effort to limit the violence. In Haiti members of the Organization of American States imposed economic sanctions in response to the overthrow of a democratically elected government. None of the efforts was fully successful, but each involved intervention in what are usually considered domestic affairs. It may also be possible to enhance U. N. capabilities for independent actions in cases where the permanent members d o not have a direct interest. The gains for collective security from the Gulf War would be squandered, for example, if there WHAT NEW WORLD ORDER? 93 were no international response to a Rwandan invasion of Uganda or a Libyan incursion into Chad. A U. N. rapid deployment force of 60,000 troops formed from earmarked brigades from a dozen countries could cope with a number of such contingencies as determined by the Security Council. Such a fighting force, as contrasted to traditional peacekeeping forces, could be formed around a professional core of 5,000 U. N. soldiers. They would need frequent joint exercises to develop common command and operational procedures. The U. S. involvement could be limited to logistical and air support and, of course, the right to help control its activities through the Security Council and the military staff committee. Many details need to be worked out, but an idea that would have been silly or Utopian during the Cold War suddenly becomes worth det ailed practical examination in the aftermath of the Cold War and Gulf War. Such imperfect principles and institutions will leave much room for domestic violence and injustice among peoples. Yugoslavia is an immediate example, and it will not be alone. But the moral horrors will be less than if policymakers were to try either to right all wrongs by force or, alternatively, to return to the unmodified Westphalian system. Among the staunchest defenders of the old system are the poorly integrated postcolonial states whose elites fear that new doctrines of multilateral intervention by the United Nations will infringe their sovereignty. The transition to a liberal vision of a new world order is occurring, but not smoothly. Liberals must realize that the evolution beyond Westphalia is a matter of decades and centuries, while realists must recognize that the traditional definitions of power and order in purely military terms miss the changes that are occurring in a world of transnatio nal communications and instant information. VI What is the American national interest in promoting a new world order? As election-year rhetoric asks, why not put America first? The country faces a number of serious domestic problems. The net savings rate has dropped from about 7. percent of gross national product in the 1970s to about 4. 5 percent today. The federal budget deficit eats up about half of net private savings. The educational system is not producing a high enough level of skills for continuing progress in an information-age economy. In terms of high school dropouts 94 FOREIGN AFFAIRS the United States is wasting a quarter of its human resources compared to five percent for Japan. There is a need for investment in public infrastructure. Clearly we need to do more at home. But Americans should beware of a false debate between domestic and foreign needs. In a world of transnational interdependence the distinction between domestic and foreign policy becomes blurred. The real choice that Americans face is not between domestic and foreign policy, but between consumption and investment. President Bush has said that the United States has the will but not the wallet. The opposite is closer to the mark. The United States spends about 31 percent of gross national product on government at all levels, while most European countries spend closer to 40 percent. The United States is a rich country that acts poor. Americas U. N. dues are a relative pittance, and any countries see our failure to pay them as proof of our hypocrisy about a new world order. Similarly Europeans cite our low levels of aid and question our seriousness and relevance to stability in postcommunist eastern Europe. Tbe American economy could support a few more percentage points of gross national product to invest at home while helping to maintain international order. But why spend anything on international order? The simple answer is that in a world of transnational interdependence, interna tional disorder can hurt, influence or disturb the majority of people living in the United States. A nuclear weapon sold or stolen from a former Soviet republic could be brought into the United States in the hold of a freighter or the cargo bay of a commercial airliner. Chaos in a Middle Eastern country can sustain terrorists who threaten American travellers abroad. A Caribbean countrys inability to control drugs or disease could mean larger flows of both across our borders. Release of ozone-depleting chemicals overseas can contribute to a rise in skin cancer in the United States. With more than ten percent of U. S. gross national product exported, American jobs depend upon international economic conditions. And even though not a direct threat to U. S. security, the human rights violations brought home to Americans by transnational communications are discomforting. If the rest of the world is mired in chaos, and governments are too weak to deal with their parts of a transnatio nal problem, the U. S. government WHAT NEW WORLD ORDER? 95 will not be able to solve such problems alone or influence them to reduce the damage done to Americans. In addition, even after the Cold War the United States has geopolitical interests in international stability. The United States has a continuing interest that no hostile power control the continent of Europe or that European turmoil draw us in under adverse circumstances, as happened twice before in this century. While such events now have a much lower probability and thus can be met with a much reduced investment, a wise foreign policy still takes out insurance against low probability events. Given the uncertainties in the aftermath of the Soviet collapse, an American security presence, even at greatly reduced troop levels, has a reassuring effect as European integration proceeds. The United States has an interest in a stable and prosperous western Europe that gradually draws the eastern part of the continent toward pluralism and democracy. The primary role will rest with the Europeans, but if the United States were to divorce itself from the process, we might find the future geopolitical situation far less stable. lhe United States also has geopolitical and economic interests in the Pacific. The United States is the only country with both economic and military power resources in the region, and its continued presence is desired by Asian powers who do not want Japan to remilitarize. Japans current political consensus is opposed to such a military role, and Japanese leaders realize it would be destabilizing in the region. With a relatively small but symbolically important military presence the United States can help to provide reassurance in the region, while encouraging Japan to invest its economic power not in military force but in international institutions and to help share the lead in dealing with transnational issues. In realist terms the United States will remain the worlds largest po wer well into the next century. Economists have long noted that if the largest consumer of a collective good, such as order, does not take the lead in organizing its production, there is little likelihood that the good will be produced by others. That was the situation in the 1920s when the United States refused to join the League of Nations or cooperate in preserving the stability of the international economy. Isolationism in the 1920s came back to haunt and hurt Americans a decade later. There is even less room for neo-isolationism today. Why not simply leave the task of world order to the United 96 FOREIGN AFFAIRS Nations? Because the United Nations is the sum of its member nations and the United States is by far the largest member. Large scale U. N. efforts like the repulse of Iraq will continue to require the participation of the worlds largest power. The United States correctly wants to avoid the role of world policeman. The way to steer a middle path between bearing too much and too little of the international burden is to renew the American commitment to multilateral institutions that fell into abeyance in the 1980s. Fbe use of multilateral institutions, while sometimes constraining, also helps share the burden that the American people o not want to bear alone. Multilateralism also limits the resentments and balances the behavior of other nations that can lead them to resist American wishes and make it harder for Americans to achieve national interests. While the Bush administration failed in its policies toward Iraq before and at the end of the Gulf War, its actions in organizing the multilateral coalition that expelled Iraq from Kuwait fit the national interest in a new world order. The administration combined both the hard power of military might and the soft power of using institutions to co-opt others to share the burden. Without the U. N. resolutions it might have been impossible for the Saudis to accept troops and for others to send tro ops. Nor is it likely tbat the United States could have persuaded others to foot nearly the entire bill for the war. Had there been no response to Iraqs aggression and violation of its obligations under the Nonproliferation Treaty, the post-Cold War order would be far more dangerous. In short the new world order has begun. It is messy, evolving and not susceptible to simple formulation or manipulation. Russia and China face uncertain futures. Regional bullies will seek weapons of mass destruction. Protectionist pressure may increase. The United States will have to combine both traditional power and liberal institutional approaches if it is to pursue effectively its national interest. We want to promote liberal democracy and human rights where we can do so without causing chaos. The reason is obvious: liberal democratic governments are less likely to threaten us over time. We will need to maintain our alliances and a balance of power in the short run, while simultaneously working to promote democratic values, human rights and institutions for the long run. To do less is to have only a fraction of a foreign policy.

Women s Roles During Ancient Egypt - 1665 Words

Nurhane Vila Professor Krasinski Introduction to Archaeology April 24, 2015 Women s Roles in Ancient Egypt Ancient Egypt was a civilization of ancient Northeastern Africa and it was one of the six civilizations globally to arise independently. Egyptian civilization began around 3150 BC and only ended nearly 30 centuries later due to the conquest of Alexander the Great in 332 B.C. Noted for their great pyramids of the Old Kingdom, historians often question the gender roles in society. The main sources of information about ancient Egypt is evident through objects, artifacts, and monuments that have been found recovered from archaeological sites. Egyptian women achieved parity with Egyptian men. They enjoyed the same legal and economic rights. This was evident in the artworks left behind by their artists. However, this is not to conclude that all shared the same rights because there were many social classes. Gender did not define their rights, but their social class did. Egyptian women, specifically, extended power to all areas of Egyptian civilizations. Women were capable of managing, owning, and selling private property which consisted of: slaves, land, money, livestock, and goods. Women in Ancient Egypt era had more rights than some women in modern time. They were able to resolve legal settlements such as marriage contract or a divorce contract. Although there is not any evidence which leads for us to believe that marriage ceremonies took place, but contracts survived.Show MoreRelatedSimilarities Between Ancient Egypt And Mesopotamia951 Words   |  4 Pageshistory are Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia. However, because of the different geography, exposure to outside invasion, influence, and beliefs, Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia came to not only contrast in political and social structures but also share similarities in them as well. 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As complementing counterparts, their roles were essential to the efficiency and functionality of society. As the historian Herodotus so adamantly put, when visiting ancient Egypt, â€Å"they have reversed the ordinary practicesRead MoreReligion And The Ancient Egypt Empire1191 Words   |  5 PagesThe Ancient Egypt Empire held a very fascinating, distinctive culture. Being one of the world s most advanced cultures and creating tons of wealth is what separated them from everybody else. Between the outstanding artwork, teaching methods, and amazi ng pyramids is what helped this society advance together. No other civilization of the ancient world history has such a popular appeal and none as important as human society and its organization. Fortunately, these Egyptians have made great steps inRead MoreCulture : The Light Of A Society1097 Words   |  5 Pagesforms of tradition and expression within a society. Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India are the heartlands of various cultures, yet they share many identities. Historically, these are the main locations from which the most dominant cultural ideas have spread. The Egyptian is one of the ancient cultures and is unique in many mysterious ways. The way their religion motivated their architecture and their belief, is very interesting and astonishing. Egypt still holds some of the world’s greatest mysteriesRead MoreThe Evolution of Gender Roles and its Role in Society1505 Words   |  7 Pages When thinking of gender roles in society, stereotypes generally come to mind. Throughout history these stereotypes have only proven to be true. Major historical events have had a huge impact on the way men and women are seen and treated. In this way, women have always been secondary to males and seen as the fragile counterparts whose job is to take care of the household and most importantly, be loyal to her husband no matter the circumstance. Gender roles throughout history have greatly influenced

Socratic Worldview Essay Example For Students

Socratic Worldview Essay Of the philosophers I have studied, Socrates stands out to me from all the rest. Although I would be the first to confess that I have never put forth the time nor the effort necessary to consider myself a philosopher (at least not in the sense that I imagine most would consider to be the credentials of a philosopher), my philosophy about life is most closely aligned with what I understand Socrates philosophical beliefs to be. Although there are some distinct differences in what I believe to be the ultimate meaning behind life, which I will later address, I believe his thoughts on how one should live their life to be the wisest of any philosopher we have studied. First, let me relate what I understand Socrates philosophy to be. Socrates believed that we all have a soul. He believed that we are to live our life by principles, and that these principles should be what is considered to be good. He was convinced that there were moral absolutes, a right and a wrong, his reason being that if there werent everything would just be relative. This seems most logical. Also, according to Socrates, in order to find which standards we should live by we should test these standards in real life situation to see if they are right or wrong. From what I understand, we are to live our lives according to rights and wrongs in our dealings with others, and our private life as well. And, this is all in order to be living according to the dictates of the soul, if you will, and not by the desires of the flesh. One of the most interesting ideas Socrates had, I believe, were his thoughts regarding the true philosopher. He said that the true philosopher is often misunderstood by other men, that they do not understand that his whole life is the pursuit of death. And, that when death finally comes he does not meet it with dread, but with the acceptance of understanding that the soul is finally to be unencumbered of the body and all its evils. The soul will finally meet truth away from the constraints of an imperfect body. He believed that the soul is immortal and imperishable. He believed that good souls departed to an invisible world where happiness is secured and they are free of human folly and error, and of all the problems that normally plague us. Evil souls, on the other hand will wander about in misery paying their penalty until they are reincarnated to a form fitting of their former evil ways in life. And, although I do not believe this view, I appreciate it for the thought and logic behind it. I am intrigued with the way Socrates can look beyond the physical, and make reality of the spiritual aspect while holding no allegiance to any certain god or gods. I can agree with his philosophy regarding living our lives in an effort to be good, and cherishing the soul above the body, and placing all emphasis on the soul and not on the body. Although we cannot scientifically prove that the soul is imperishable or beyond that, if we even have a soul, but we do know that the body is only temporary, so it seems logical to place importance on something beyond the physical. I think Socrates reasoning behind the evidence of our souls, is brilliant even if incorrect which I am in no means implying. His idea of anamnesis/recollect intrigues me. Where would we have any idea of perfection, if not from our souls? Certainly anything from the body or physical has yet to show us any form of perfection. For the sake of relating to the reader why I think .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af , .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .postImageUrl , .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af , .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af:hover , .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af:visited , .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af:active { border:0!important; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af:active , .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .ued2769e55d9d8440411a6d1bc5e858af:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: My Lai EssaySocrates philosophy could contribute much to human well being, let me take a moment to relay my thoughts or philosophy on life. I agree with Socrates on the stand he makes that nothing good or perfect can ever come from the physical. Pleasing the desires of the flesh always results in only temporary happiness, and even then it is questionable if it is a real happiness, or just a temporary source of satisfaction. Socrates said that the soul is where we can know perfection, and that the important things of this life lie in living for the development or realization of the soul, and that through proper development of the mind in its pursuit of truth, beauty and goodness that the goal and purpose of .

Lucy Essay free essay sample

We all realize that us humans have some sort of relation to apes and chimpanzees, but what evolved us from them to becoming bipedal hominids? In this essay I will be inculcating you about the evolution of humans, the captivating discovery of Lucy, an Australopithecus afarensis, and how her uncovering of a new species is so important to our advancement. Lucy is our oldest, most complete human ancestor and it lead to a controversial change in our view of human origins. Lucy is a 3. 15 million year old female hominid, of the genus Australopithecus, whose skeleton was uncovered on November 24, 1974 by Donald C. Johanson and Tom Gray in the Hadar region of Ethiopia. Donald Johanson’s first discovery consisted of a few pieces of a knee bone. He sent the bones to Owen Lovejoy, who was an anatomist and part-time forensic expert. He then examined the bone fragments and concluded that they appeared human, that the joint could â€Å"lock†, which meant the animal could walk upright. We will write a custom essay sample on Lucy Essay or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page This was an important discovery showing an ancient bipedal creature. They named their discovery, Lucy in reference to the well-known Beatles song Lucy in the Sky with Diamonds, which played over and over as they celebrated their findings. While only 40% of the skeleton was found, this uncovering of Lucy was very fascinating and answered many questions to our human evolution because it was the missing link between apes and the upbringing of hominids. The discoverers called Lucy, Australopithecus afarensis which stands for â€Å"southern ape of the Afar region†. This genus was one of the earliest species of hominids; the family of bipedal primates also includes homo hablis and homo erectus. While Australopithecus and Homo species vary in many ways, both hominids share common characteristics that define them as a group. The most distinct of these traits is bipedal locomotion, which means they could walk upright instead on being on all fours like apes. The particular and revolutionary characteristics of Lucy is that she had a small skull, a bipedal knee structure, molars, and front teeth of human form and size. Lucy’s skeleton proves that her kind was bipedal by the shape of her pelvis and the angle the femur takes from the hip socket to the knee joint. From her waist down she was hominid, and from her waist up she was still ape, as her skull was still the size of a chimpanzee. Her brain size varies in range from 365 to 385 cubic centimeters and had hand and motor cortex. Her species has a prolonged mouth, strong brow line, and a small forehead. She stood about three and a half feet high and weighed 60-65 pounds. The males were about twice the females size ranging from four to four and a half feet tall. This species also had about 100-120 different calls, hand gestures and signals. This suggests a intricate social and mating system. Evidence shows that she was probably young but fully mature when she died of natural causes. Her corpse is likely known to have sunk into a lake and over millions of years, the lake dried up, buried, and harden her bones which eventually fossilized them and preserved them for us to discover. The following year, again at the famous site of Hadar, Ethiopia, Donald Johansons team made the ground breaking discovery of the fossilized remains of some 13 individuals, known as the â€Å"First Family†. They believed that at that time, there was a mud slide that buried and killed tons of these creatures, in all age range, from babies to adults, both male and females. This was believed to be the oldest evidence of human ancestors living in groups. It had also provided us with much more understanding of their lifestyle and habitat. Lucy lived at a time when the Hadar region was not a desert environment like it is today. Instead, it was thought to be more like a woodlands and savannah domain. A. farensis, was not totally ape and yet not quite human, is thought to have probably lived in a variety of habitats. Having evolved into being bipedal as an adaptation to living in the open areas, like grasslands with few trees. They were thought to feed for seeds, berries, fruit, tubers, nuts and termites. The benefit of being able to walk upright gave them the advantage of free hands to grab food or carry their young, looking over high grassland, and developing a bigger brain. Unfortunately for them, they had long dry seasons with no rain which made the food source scarce. Without bipedalism we wouldn’t be able to develop into the hominids that we have become. The Hardy Weinberg’s equation is important for the concept of population genetics. In order for Hardy-Weinbergs equilibrium of no evolution occurring to work, the following seven conditions must be met: no mutations must occur so that new alleles do not enter, no gene flow can occur, random mating must occur, everyone produces the same number of offspring, the population must be large so that there is no genetic drift, natural selection is not occurring, and all members are breeding in the population. This equation does not work with humans because we do not randomly mate. Usually individuals choose a spouse who has positive attributes that they like, which can include personality, taste, attractive, good with children, intelligence, sometimes race/color, height, humor, etc. In Lucy terms they would want someone who is a good hunter, provider, and smart but they wouldn’t get that option of being picky because they couldn’t travel very far to selection their peculiar mate. Also, natural selection happens all the time as well as mutations but most are not harmful. So if you were to apply this to the A. afarensis, the majority would disprove this equation. A. afarensis were also good at tool making. They used horns and bones as tools but not as weapons, as many people though they did. Also, they would use some stone tools that were known to be the breaking dawn to human technology. Their main predators were â€Å"big cats† such as lions and leopards. They had little to no protection which made them easy prey. Leopards were excellent climbers but they could not climb as well as apes which made it hard to escape. Also the lions are very patient creatures, so they would wait under the tree until they would could down and then they would eat them. Eventually, the robust A. afarensis, a. boisei, a. robustus and a. aeithiopicus would go extinct but the gracile Homo Habilis, which was discovered 2. 6 million years ago by Lewis Leaky, would go on to become our ancestors. In Africa, some of the animals that relied on forest died out because it was too dry. For example, during this period Lucy had disappeared because this species cant survive in that situation. But other species evolved by exploring different dietary sources that were available in that time. For example, many evolved physical adaptations to graze on the new species of plant life called grass that colonized the deforested terrain. The same seems to have happened to our ancestors, who had previously relied on forest foods such as soft fruit. We just kept evolving as the millions of years went by and adapting to new environments. In this essay, as you can see, Lucy was an astonishing discovery and was the missing link to our upbringing. This species was bipedal and hominid from the waste down, ape like from the waist up. They were also smarter than chimps with their different hand and motor cortex, their tool use, and brain size. Without the constant concept and knowledge of evolution occurring, our species would have never of came about but we are very fortunate for this discovery and to be who we are in this world today.